Super dull. The Bishop also believed that disease was carried by foul-smelling air: It is a good remedy to void and change the infectious place. The two-foot white rods that were required to be carried by those who must go abroad from plague-stricken houses described in the second paragraph were in use for much of the sixteenth century in England and France. Pessimism and the specter of death spurred an individualistic pursuit of pleasure, a hedonism that manifested itself in the purchase of luxuries, especially in Italy. She was discovered years later still living in the area, but running wild and shunning human company. Life was difficult for the inhabitants of Penrith and frequently they had to exist under near-famine conditions. What was interesting was that the first deaths at both towns occurred on the same day, 11 days after the first burial at Penrith.
It appeared out of the blue in Sicily in and went on to kill half of Europe in three years. In London it claimed 6, lives a week at its peak, but a few years later it disappeared as suddenly and mysteriously as it had appeared. Using original parish records, wills and diaries, Susan Scott and Christopher Duncan uncover the tragic and moving human stories behind the records: unsung heroes, bereaved parents, parted lovers and those who exploited the suffering for their own greed.
Currently in hiding, the Black Death, or something like it, could re-emerge at any time, and with today's highly mobile community the consequences could be catastrophic. Enter your Postcode or Suburb to view availability and delivery times. One Venetian wrote: A certain man bled me, and the blood spurted onto his face. On that same day he was taken ill, and the next day he died; and by the mercy of God I have escaped.
I record this because, as by mere communication with the sick, the plague mortally infected the healthy Even priests and doctors fled from those who were ill, in fear, and all avoided the dead. In many places and houses when an inmate died, the rest quickly expired, one after another.
And so great was the overwhelming number of the dead, that it was necessary to open new cemeteries everywhere. Can we learn something here? Was the man who was being bled suffering from the pestilence and yet recovered? A stranger obviously a person who was already infected is believed to have brought the disease to Padua and the resulting devastation was great: an astounding two-thirds of the population died. If one person in a household fell sick, the whole family quickly succumbed. Was this an important clue concerning the nature of the disease?
Pisa was struck, probably via the port of Leghorn, in March From here the plague spread northwards to Tuscany and southwards to Rome. Italy was truly overwhelmed. The enemy was invisible and nobody knew when or where it would next appear. When it did strike, people could not defend themselves and many were overcome. The more they panicked and fled, the more the disease was spread. The plague held all the trump cards. From Genoa it was carried to Piacenza, about 60 miles kilometres to the north-east, and Gabriele de Mussi, a resident of Piacenza who practised as a notary, wrote: But as an inhabitant I have been asked to write more of Piacenza, so that it may be known what happened there in the year Some Genoese who had fled from the plague raging in their city betook themselves higher.
They rested at Bobbio, and there sold the merchandise that they had brought with them. The purchaser, together with all his family and many neighbours, were quickly stricken with the sickness and died. One of these, wishing to make his will, called a notary, his confessor, and the necessary witnesses.
The next day all these were buried together. So greatly did the calamity increase that nearly all the inhabitants of Bobbio soon fell victim to the sickness, and only the dead remained in the town. In the spring of another Genoese who was infected with the plague came to Piacenza. He sought out his friend Fulchino della Croce, who took him into his house.
But he died almost immediately afterwards and Fulchino was also quickly carried off, together with his entire family and many of his neighbours.
Gabriele de Mussi clearly believed that this disease was directly infectious. He continued: The plague was rife throughout the city in a brief space of time.
I do not know where to begin: everywhere there was weeping and mourning. So great was the mortality that men hardly dared to breathe. His account brings home to us the terrible scale of the disaster: The cemeteries failing, it was necessary to dig trenches to bury the corpses. Whole families were frequently thrown together in the same pit.
It was the same in the neighbouring towns and villages.
One Oberto de Sasso, who had come from an infected place to the church of the Friars Minor to make his will, summonsed a notary, witnesses, and neighbours. All these, together with sixty others, died within a short space of time. Florence, situated only some 40 miles 60 kilometres from Pisa, was one of the greatest cities in Europe, a democratic centre of culture, art and learning, its treasures including the works of Dante and Giotto.
It did not escape and was badly hit by the Black Death, in spite of all sensible precautions and supplications to God. Boccaccio wrote in the Decameron a very memorable account of Florence during this time: Some shut themselves away and eschewed all social contact and every kind of luxury; others drank, sang and revelled freely, believing this way of life to be the sovereign remedy for so great an evil. No woman, however dainty, fair or well-born, shrank, when stricken by the disease, from the ministrations of a man, no matter whether he were young or not, nor did she scruple to expose every part of her body to him, with no more shame than if he had been a woman, submitting of necessity to that which her malady required.
It was the common practice of most of the neighbours, who were moved more by fear of contamination by the putrefying bodies than by charity towards the deceased, to drag the corpses out of the houses and to lay them in front of the doors; afterwards biers were brought up or, lacking them, planks on which the dead were laid. Corpse carriers, known as becchini, performed their offices for hire and hurriedly carried the biers to the burial places.
The becchini were not nice people; apparently they were brutalized monsters who also had a more sinister role, which added to the general misery. They would force their way into the houses of people who were still alive and drag them away to join the ranks of the dead unless the men gave over money for their safety and the women paid with their virtue. It has been estimated that between 45 and 65 people died in Florence, probably roughly in line with a general 50 per cent mortality in the towns and cities of Italy.
Again, the story was the same. In the plague at Siena, Agnolo di Tura who buried five of his children described how father abandoned child and so they died, one after another. No one could be found to bury the huge heaps of the dead in the great pits; they were so sparsely covered with earth that the dogs dragged them out and ate their bodies. A gruesome picture. The Petrarch endured the plague in Parma and he describes it in his letters. But when it did, it was the usual grim tale; about 40 people are estimated to have died in six months.
The epidemic raged in Italy for about a year before it began to peter out. The Petrarch wrote mournfully to his brother, the only survivor out of 35 people in a monastery at Monrieux: Sorrow is on all sides; fear is everywhere. I wish, my brother, that I had never been born, or at least had died before these times.
How will posterity believe that there has been a time when well-nigh the whole globe has remained without inhabitants? When has any such thing ever been heard or seen; in what annals has it ever been read that houses were left vacant, cities deserted, the country neglected, the fields too small for the dead to be buried, and a fearful and universal solitude over the whole earth?
Will posterity ever believe these things when we, who see them, can scarcely credit them? We would think we were dreaming if we did not, with our own eyes, when we walk abroad, see the city in mourning with funerals, and on returning home, find it empty, and thus know that what we lament is real. We may have discovered an important clue here. How did he avoid infection?
Is this an indication that some people in Europe showed a form of resistance to this terrible disease? Simon de Covino, a doctor from Paris, set down his recollections in They make grim reading: Faces became pale, and the doom which threatened the people was marked upon their foreheads. It was only necessary to look in the faces of men and women to read there the blow that was about to fall; a marked pallor announced the approach of the enemy and, before the fatal day, the sentence of death was written unmistakably on the face of the victim.
No climate appeared to have any effect upon this strange disease. It appeared to be stopped neither by heat nor cold. High and healthy situations were as much subject to it as low and damp ones. It spread during the cold of winter as rapidly as in the heat of the summer. We can learn some important points about the nature of the disease from this valuable account.
Covino also noted that the plague appeared to be so contagious that a single breath of an infected person, or an item of their clothing, was sufficient to transmit it. The plague spread westwards, from Marseille to Montpellier, Narbonne, Perpignan and Carcassone, which it reached by May From there it travelled to Toulouse and Montaubon, arriving at the port of Bordeaux on the Atlantic coast between June and August Its average rate of spread was between 1 and 5 miles 2 and 8 kilometres a day, which suggests that it was mainly carried by infected people travelling on foot rather than on horseback.
The Black Death also spread northwards from Marseille and arrived at Avignon in March , where it struck with particular ferocity. The recorded numbers of deaths, although surely exaggerated, are staggering: in the first three days and a total of in the city and surrounding countryside. One anonymous canon wrote a letter to his friends giving a full account of the plague at Avignon.
He began by giving a valuable description of the characteristic course of the disease and of the investigations ordered by the Pope: The disease can appear in three different ways.
Firstly, men suffer in their lungs and breathing, and these victims, even if they are slightly attacked, cannot by any means escape, nor live beyond two days. Examinations have been made by doctors in many cities of Italy, and also in Avignon, by order of the Pope, in order to discover the origin of this disease.
Return of the Black Death: The World's Greatest Serial Killer: Medicine & Health Science Books @ snakwalldeha.ga Editorial Reviews. Review. " fascinating book a gripping read " (Perioperative Nursing Buy Return of the Black Death: The World's Greatest Serial Killer: Read 18 Books Reviews - snakwalldeha.ga
Many dead bodies have been opened and dissected, and it is found that all who had died suddenly in this way have had their lungs infected and have spat blood. The contagious nature of the disease is indeed the most terrible of all the terrors, for when anyone who is infected dies, all who see him in his sickness, or who visit him, or do any business with him, or even carry him to the grave, quickly follow him thither, and there is no known means of protection.
There is another form of the sickness, which is running its course concurrently with the first; that is, certain swellings appear under both arms, and people also quickly die by these. This, likewise, is quickly fatal. The canon, like everyone else, assumed that this illness was directly infectious and he reiterates the writings of others: The epidemic has already grown to such proportions that, from fear of contagion, a doctor will not visit a sick man, even if the invalid would gladly give him everything he possessed; neither does a father visit his son, nor a mother her daughter, nor, in fact, does anyone go to another, no 23 RETURN OF THE BLACK DEATH matter how closely he may be related to him, unless he is prepared to die with him, or quickly to follow him.
Evidently, complete avoidance of even near relatives was a standard practice and no one questioned the idea that the disease was directly infectious. The canon continued: One-half, or more than a half, of the people at Avignon are already dead.